Spotlight on civic space – EFA | European Fundraising Association

Slovakia’s “Russian Law” episode: How a government tested the limits of civic space

Melanie May — Wed, 01 Apr 2026 10:45:43 +0000

When the fourth government of Robert Fico returned to power in late 2023, civil society in Slovakia quickly became a central political target. The confrontation that followed was structured and escalating – moving from rhetoric to legislation, and from legislation to administrative pressure when the courts intervened. Eduard Marček, EFA executive director and head of the Slovak Fundraising Centre, reports on the situation.

From its first days in office, the fourth government of Robert Fico framed a segment of Slovak NGOs – particularly those watchdogs active in anti-corruption, rule-of-law advocacy, and public policy – as politically biased and foreign-influenced. Organizations such as Transparency International Slovakia, Stop the Corruption Foundation and Via Iuris were repeatedly portrayed as actors operating “like political parties” but without public accountability. This narrative laid the groundwork for regulatory action.

The “Russian Law”

In 2024 and 2025, the coalition advanced an amendment to the NGO law with no expert discussion that soon became known domestically as the “Russian Law.” The original proposal required organizations receiving foreign funding of more than €5,000 to label themselves as “organizations with foreign support,” disclose donors publicly, and comply with expanded reporting obligations. Early drafts also considered classifying NGOs (and only NGOs, not businesses or other actors) as lobbyists. The parallels with Russian and Georgian legislation were widely noted, and international criticism swiftly followed. Under mounting pressure – including concerns raised at EU level – the government softened the terminology at the last minute, removing the explicit “foreign agent” label. Yet the core obligations remained, and Parliament passed the law in April 2025.

Civil society fights back

The proposal and ultimate adoption of the law triggered an immediate backlash. Civil society organizations coordinated across platforms, organized public protests, issued joint statements, and mobilized legal expertise to challenge the legislation. The response was unusually cohesive: NGOs formed broad coalitions, engaged European partners, and framed the issue as a constitutional matter rather than a sectoral dispute. Within days of adoption, opposition parties and the Public Defender of Rights filed a motion to the Constitutional Court of the Slovak Republic requesting constitutional review.

The most controversial element was the mandatory donor disclosure – with NGOs receiving significant contributions required to publish the names of donors above a €5,000 threshold. Critics argued that this endangered privacy, exposed donors to harassment, and created a chilling effect on philanthropy. Additional reporting and registry requirements also increased compliance burdens, particularly for mid-sized and smaller organizations.

Even before the Constitutional Court ruled, the political campaign translated into practice. Government-initiated financial audits targeted selected NGOs, presented publicly as evidence of systemic misuse of public funds. Yet the official audit findings revealed irregularities amounting to roughly 0.5% of the total controlled sum – hardly indicative of widespread abuse. Despite this, the narrative of suspected misconduct persisted. Within the sector, these waves of inspections and public statements were widely described as harassing and bullying – designed less to correct financial mismanagement than to intimidate and discredit non-governmental organizations.

Circumventing the Court ruling

In December 2025, the Constitutional Court struck down the law as unconstitutional, holding that mandatory donor disclosure violated privacy and fundamental rights protected under the Slovak Constitution and the European Convention on Human Rights. The ruling rejected the framework in its entirety, and the law formally lost effect on 4 February 2026.

The government, however, did not abandon its approach. On 18 February 2026, it adopted a new resolution – this time not a law, but an executive directive – ordering intensified oversight of NGOs across multiple state authorities. District offices, tax authorities, labour inspectors, ministries, the Public Procurement Office, and the Data Protection Authority were instructed to expand controls over NGOs’ financial management, use of public funds, labour law compliance, and GDPR adherence. Annual reports from these inspections are to be consolidated and presented to the Cabinet each October.

Rather than labelling organizations as foreign agents, the state is mobilizing existing regulatory instruments to subject NGOs to heightened scrutiny. The formal justification remains transparency and proper use of public funds.

Further undermining of the sector

Other tactics are also being used to undermine the sector, including a deliberate strategy of defunding critical areas of civil society – designed specifically to limit and weaken nature protection, human rights protection, culture, and development aid. Analysis by the Platform for Democracy with the Open Society Foundation shows that funding losses in these areas reached €16m in 2024 and 2025. These were caused by a range of state interventions from administratively excluding NGOs from eligibility for the Green Education Fund (a loss of €823,000), to blocking approximately €5m from the European LIFE program by refusing mandatory co-financing, and negative intervention in the expert committees of 513 projects by the new Arts Support Fund Council (losing €3.5m).

For many in the sector, the cumulative effect of these measures constitutes a sustained campaign of pressure – intended not only to regulate but to intimidate.

Diversifying to build resilience

At the same time, the pressure has generated an unintended consequence: rising resilience within the sector. Many organizations have accelerated diversification of revenue streams, strengthening individual fundraising to reduce dependency on state resources. Crowdfunding campaigns, small-donor programs, and community-based giving have expanded. The process is exhausting, but also empowering.

For fundraisers and philanthropy leaders across Europe, Slovakia illustrates how restrictions on civic space can unfold incrementally – through rhetoric that reframes NGOs as political adversaries, through legal experiments that probe constitutional limits, and through administrative escalation when courts intervene. The Slovak case shows how civic space can be pressured inside the European Union without formally dismantling democratic institutions, testing not only constitutional safeguards but also the resilience of activists and organizations, donor trust and independent fundraising ecosystems.

Eduard Marček

UK civil society in 2026 – resilient, resourceful, but under strain

Melanie May — Wed, 25 Feb 2026 11:40:21 +0000

In 2026, UK civil society remains resilient and trusted, but it is operating under mounting financial strain, heavier compliance demands and rising needs at home and abroad. The sector’s future will depend not on its capacity to endure, but on whether policymakers, funders and corporate partners commit to long-term, sustainable support rather than short-term fixes, warns Ceri Edwards, executive director of engagement at the UK’s Chartered Institute of Fundraising and EFA president.

The real test for the coming years will be whether policymakers, funders, corporates and philanthropists move beyond short-term fixes and commit to long-term partnerships that match the scale of the challenges ahead.

In 2026, UK civil society is neither collapsing nor comfortable. It is resilient, adaptive and still deeply committed to the communities it serves – but it is also operating under sustained pressure that is reshaping what it can do, how it works, and who it can reach.

Recent analysis, including the February 2026 report from Bond on UK civic space, paints a picture of a sector navigating tightening funding, increased scrutiny and growing demand. The question is not whether civil society still exists in strength – it does – but whether the conditions around it are becoming more fragile.

A sector tested by funding shocks

The aftershocks of the USAID cuts continue to ripple through the system. The initial shock was immediate: organisations heavily reliant on US development funding were forced to close offices, reduce programmes, and scale back their geographic footprint. Those with diversified income streams – a mix of grants, individual giving, and corporate partnerships – fared better. Smaller, grassroots organisations felt the brunt.

But the bigger story in 2026 is the domino effect.

Reduced US funding influenced UK government international development spending priorities, while UN agencies – many of which relied on US contributions – tightened their own allocations. Funding agreements now often come with more stringent reporting requirements and compliance demands, increasing administrative burdens at precisely the moment organisations are trying to stretch limited resources further.

Civil society is surviving – but it is spending more time proving impact than delivering it.

Domestic pressures mirror global ones

While international NGOs recalibrate, UK-based charities are facing parallel strains at home. The cost-of-living crisis may no longer dominate headlines in the same way, but its effects persist. Demand for food banks, mental health services, housing advice, and refugee support remains high. Climate-related emergencies and geopolitical instability continue to drive humanitarian need abroad.

Yet public giving has not risen in line with need.

This mismatch – rising demand and constrained income – is the defining tension of 2026. Civil society is increasingly asked to plug systemic gaps while operating without long-term financial certainty.

Adaptation: Philanthropy, corporates and new models

One of the most striking shifts is strategic rather than reactive. Organisations are not simply trying to “replace” lost government funding. They are rethinking how they generate income.

There is greater focus on:

Deepening relationships with philanthropists aligned with mission and values
Building meaningful corporate partnerships with socially conscious businesses
Exploring blended finance and public-private partnership models
Using existing infrastructure to develop earned-income services

However, these approaches require investment. Developing a corporate partnership or launching a social enterprise arm demands upfront capacity – specialist staff, due diligence, legal support. Larger institutions can often absorb this transition; smaller charities struggle.

Blended finance and alternative models are promising but remain unevenly accessible. Without careful policy support, there is a risk that innovation benefits the already well-resourced, widening inequalities within the sector itself.

The civic space question

Beyond funding, there is a broader issue: civic space.

Bond’s 2025–26 analysis highlights concern about the regulatory and political environment in which civil society operates. Increased compliance requirements heightened political polarisation, and public discourse that sometimes questions the legitimacy of advocacy work all contribute to a more complex landscape in which we operate.

This does not amount to a closed civic space – the UK remains a functioning democracy with a vibrant voluntary sector – but it does signal a subtle shift. Scrutiny has increased. The margin for error has narrowed. The tone of debate has hardened.

In this environment, charities are balancing service delivery with advocacy, mindful of reputation, funding relationships, and public trust.

A sector still anchored in trust

Despite these pressures, civil society retains one of its most valuable assets: public trust at a community level.

Local organisations remain embedded in the communities they serve. National charities continue to mobilise volunteers at scale. When crises hit, civil society is still among the first to respond. And this is what makes the long-term funding question so urgent.

The long view: Demand is not going down

If 2026 has made anything clear, it is that demand for civil society services will continue to rise. Climate change, conflict and migration and inequality are not short-term trends. The funding model, however, remains short-term and reactive.

The central challenge now is not simply replacing lost income. It is building sustainable, multi-year funding structures that allow organisations to plan, invest in staff, innovate responsibly, and maintain standards without being consumed by compliance.

Civil society in the UK is holding up – but it is doing so through ingenuity and sheer effort rather than structural stability.

The narrative of resilience can be comforting. It suggests adaptability, strength, perseverance.

But resilience should not be confused with sustainability.

In 2026, UK civil society is still standing, still delivering, still advocating. Yet it is navigating an increasingly complex funding ecosystem, heavier reporting demands, and rising need – all at once.

Civil society is holding up. The question is whether the system around it will hold up too.

Ceri Edwards

Main picture by Getty Images for Unsplash+

Czech Republic: nonprofits must beware the turning tide

Melanie May — Wed, 14 Jan 2026 11:32:32 +0000

Jana Ledvinová, CEO of the Czech Fundraising Center, reflects on the evolving role of civil society in the Czech Republic, drawing parallels between the authoritarian constraints of the 1980s and emerging pressures today. She highlights how nonprofit organizations, once restricted to ideologically aligned activities, have become independent pillars of democracy, warning against recent government measures that echo past patterns, and calling for vigilance and the active defence of civil society to ensure the hard-won independence and influence of nonprofit organisations is preserved.

I have a persistent sense of déjà vu. The language and reasoning of parts of today’s political representation increasingly remind me of the 1980s. For many of us, that is a period we either did not experience or remember only vaguely. Yet it is worth recalling – especially when old patterns of thinking about civil society are resurfacing in new forms.

Pre-1989 – the reality of living under a totalitarian regime

Before 1989, there was essentially only one official space in Czechoslovakia where civic initiatives and associations could operate: the National Front. Access, however, was limited to organisations that shared and actively promoted the values of the socialist regime. Everything else was pushed into a grey zone or outright dissent – a small, forbidden, and constantly threatened space.

The backbone of the “civil society” at that time was formed by mass organisations controlled by the state: Pioneers for children, the Socialist Youth Union for young people, and the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia for adults. Participation was de facto a prerequisite for civic engagement and often for professional advancement. Alongside these were numerous other associations – firefighters, hikers, amateur theatre groups, nature conservation groups, associations for people with disabilities, and many more. On the surface, the array of associations appeared vibrant and diverse, yet all operated under constant supervision. Secret collaborators were present in every organisation, and each association had to regularly demonstrate that it fulfilled “socialist goals and commitments.”

The totalitarian regime thus created the illusion of freedom of association. People could collaborate, strengthen local communities, maintain traditions, care for the environment, or educate younger generations – but only within strictly defined ideological boundaries. Freedom was permitted, but only insofar as it served propaganda and control.

Images from events of the association Tereza in the 1980s (https://terezanet.cz/english/)

Post-1989 – space for an independent nonprofit sector to thrive

Paradoxically, it was from this environment that a strong and dynamic civil society emerged after 1989. Suddenly, space opened for a truly independent nonprofit sector that could professionally contribute to the development of society. It became clear that nonprofit organisations were neither appendages of the state nor the market, but independent pillars of a democratic system. They can counterbalance centralising tendencies of state power, respond flexibly to people’s needs, and complement the market where it fails.

A fundamental turning point was the ability to finance activities not only from public but primarily from private sources. Fundraising brought nonprofits real freedom – the ability to decide their own direction, professionalise, and grow according to their own vision. Today, tens of thousands of nonprofit organisations demonstrate that civil society can function voluntarily and professionally, with responsibility, enthusiasm, and creativity. It has become a natural, indispensable, and often joyful part of our daily lives.

Now – an insidiously turning tide

It is all the more worrying when the current government starts systematically making life difficult for nonprofits. Proposals to introduce central registers, limit funding for so-called “political nonprofits,” mandatory transparent accounts, and other administrative hurdles strikingly echo the past.

Vaguely defined terms and deliberate ambiguity about who these measures apply to raise fears that the real aim is to silence critical voices and eliminate those who hold views different from those in power. This process is subtle and creeping. It is presented as an effort to save money, maintain order, or increase efficiency so that the public will accept it without resistance. That is precisely why it is dangerous.

This is not only about nonprofits themselves – it is about the level of freedom in society as a whole.

A time for vigilance & active defence

We must not be deceived by the “boiling frog” method. Once we become accustomed to small infringements on freedom of association, it may be too late to resist larger ones. History teaches us where the attempt to confine civil society to a single, centrally controlled ideology leads. We must not allow this path to be repeated.

Jana Ledvinová

Wave photo by Marie Pankova on Pexels

Poland: Restoring the meaning of democracy

Melanie May — Wed, 06 Aug 2025 10:17:45 +0000

For August’s Spotlight on Civic Space, Robert Kawałko, president of the Polish Fundraising Association (Polskie Stowarzyszenie Fundraisingu) describes the situation in Poland where democracy is becoming ‘increasingly procedural’, and NGOs find themselves operating in a climate of uncertainty.

Poles share the same concerns as other Western European countries. Political polarization of society, the largest-ever wave of migrants from around the world, fears of new technologies, and difficult intergenerational dialogue – these are topics that constantly recur in conversations, social media, and public media. Add to this the three-year-long war in Ukraine and the question of whether Poland will also have to defend its independence.

Democracy in regression?

For almost a decade, Poland has remained one of the main examples of the erosion of liberal democracy in the European Union. Although the country regularly holds elections, the space for free public debate, independent institutions, and civic participation is gradually shrinking. Recent events since the 2025 presidential election shed further light on this phenomenon.

Procedural externals

Poland still meets the basic formal criteria of democracy: it holds elections, there is multi-party democracy, and society uses the internet and media freely. However, as observers note, democracy is becoming increasingly procedural – limited to electoral rituals, while weakening oversight institutions, civil rights, and real public influence on reality.

The recent presidential election, which ended with a narrow majority for the candidate supported by the right-wing opposition, sparked a wave of protests and accusations of irregularities. Although no systemic abuses were proven, the scale of mutual undermining of legitimacy and the use of conspiratorial language on both sides of the political spectrum are symptoms of a deeper crisis of trust – not only in political rivals, but in the democratic process itself. Incumbent Prime Minister Donald Tusk made an unsuccessful attempt to persuade the Marshal of the Sejm to prevent the swearing-in of the new president. The term “coup d’état” is used daily across all instances, and the prosecutor’s office has launched an investigation into the matter. In short, a war between two tribes is underway. We know this from many countries around the world. There is even a view that nations no longer exist, replaced by two warring civilizations. Institutions in chronic conflict.

The persistent conflict between the government and a president elected from a different political camp deepens the phenomenon of a “blocked state” – a situation in which institutions are unable to effectively cooperate. This blocks key reforms and increases systemic tensions. Authorities accuse each other of violating the constitution, further undermining the authority of institutions such as the Supreme Court and the National Council of the Judiciary.

The atrophy of public media and civic discourse

Public media in Poland, for years governed by the political lines of successive governments, have ceased to function as impartial sources of information. After the centrist-liberal camp took power in 2023, attempts were made to implement a “media reset,” but these actions were often as politically motivated as the previous interventions. As a result, both right-wing and liberal voters increasingly perceive the media as a propaganda arm of the party. The public’s attention is shifting to the internet, where more and more channels with millions of followers are flourishing. The tentacles of political parties do not reach there, and the fight for reach forces them to speak with greater purpose.

Meanwhile, non-governmental organizations, especially those working on human rights, climate, and migrant issues, continue to operate in a climate of uncertainty. After years of open hostility from the conservative government, they now have to cope with the lack of a long-term cooperation strategy from the new authorities and limited access to stable funding. Polish NGOs already know that if they become too close to the ruling party, they will face lean years after the change of power. Therefore, few organizations are willing to take sides. Most choose neutrality, focus on their mission, and avoid conflict.

Civil society doesn’t give up

Despite these challenges, Poland still boasts an active civil society, independent judges, vibrant digital media, and local grassroots initiatives. Democracy in Poland continues to balance between formal pluralism and an increasingly polarized, distrustful society.

The shrinking democratic space in Poland is not a spectacular decline, but a gradual degradation of trust, cooperation, and informed debate. In a world of intense polarization, fragile institutions, and the politics of conflict, democracy must regain its original meaning. Poles, like many other nations, must learn to respect differing beliefs. They must learn to create a diverse community that can work toward common goals and respect the will of the majority. Poles have always been able to unite when faced with a common enemy – this was true during wars; this was true under communism. Back then, all quarrels were secondary, and people were able to reach an understanding. Now the challenge is to make this happen in times of peace.

Picture by Natalia Gasiorowska on Unsplash

Bulgaria: repressive legislative proposals & an unstable political environment

Melanie May — Wed, 25 Jun 2025 11:19:36 +0000

This month, Zahari Iankov, senior legal advisor at the Bulgarian Center for Not-for-Profit Law, shares news of the situation for civic space in Bulgaria including the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA) Proposal and anti-LGBT legislation, both of which impact CSOs – and how CSOs in the country are responding.

Bulgaria has been in a continuous state of political crisis since 2021, unable to produce a stable government. In October 2024 parliamentary elections were held for the seventh time in the past three years. As a result, at the beginning of 2025 a government with unclear horizons was formed.

In this unstable political environment, a growing distrust in the election process is observed with the latest parliamentary elections marked by a record low voter turnout of 38.94%. Other public participation mechanisms like the CSO consultative council to the Parliament and the Civil Society Development Council to the Council of Ministers do not function on a regular basis and face great challenges to fulfil their statutory goals.

Meanwhile political actors continuously target CSOs and the concepts of human rights and international cooperation with smear campaigns and repressive legislative proposals inspired by the authoritarian practices in Russia and Hungary.

The Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA) Proposal

A Russian-style FARA bill was proposed in Bulgaria for the first time by the far-right Revival Party in 2022. It proposes multiple restrictive measures such as stigmatizing labeling, banning activities, and imposing administrative burdens and censorship on organizations and individuals that have received funding (including in the form of goods or reimbursement of expenses) from abroad that cumulatively exceeds 1000 BGN (approx. 500 Euro) within a year.

The proposal of a FARA was announced in 2022 during a press conference together with a document presented as a “report to the prosecution” containing personal data of dozens of CSOs representatives (including their state issued PINs – strictly forbidden according to the Bulgarian Personal Data Protection Act) who have acquired funding from one of the biggest private donors operating in Bulgaria. Shortly afterwards the Data Protection Authority opened a case against the Revival Party; however, it took the DPA 3 years to issue a decision finding the political party in violation and it has refused to impose any sanctions.

Since 2022 the FARA was proposed 3 more times in different short-lived parliaments and was subject to 1 parliamentary commission and 2 plenary debates. Even though the Bill was not passed, it is constantly instrumentalized for the purposes of a smear campaigns against the CSOs.

Anti-LGBT legislation as a gateway to a wider attack against the civic space

In the beginning of August 2024, the Parliament adopted discriminatory amendments to the Pre-School and School Education Act, which prohibit the promotion or discussion of diverse and “non-traditional” sexual orientations or gender identities in schools. These changes were passed under a fast-track procedure without proper debate or public consultation.

In December 2024 another anti-LGBT legislative amendment, this time in the Child Protection Act, was proposed. It envisages a ban on access to and dissemination of any information related to gender identity and expression that does not conform to the view of sex as strictly biological in public places “which might be visited by children”. It also seeks to criminalize the provision of medical services related to gender transition for minors and to revoke licenses from social service providers who share such information. It has not been passed yet but has already been approved by several parliamentary commissions.

These anti-LGBT laws mirror legislations adopted in Hungary, Russia and Georgia where they have been utilized for a consequent wider crack down on CSOs and human rights. Similarly, after the adoption of the Pre-School and School Education Act in Bulgaria the far-right political actors used the occasion to promote the adoption of a FARA as a next necessary step to protect children, implicating that foreign funded CSOs are harmful to them. Furthermore, in late August a joint hearing of two parliamentary commissions was held to investigate a possible breach of the new law by CSOs researching the harassment in schools against LGBT students. This hearing was a direct attack against a couple of organizations and effectively a smear attack against the CSO sector.

Proposals of ad-hoc parliamentary commissions

In the beginning of 2025, a couple of political parties represented in Parliament proposed the creation of various ad-hoc parliamentary commissions to investigate foreign funding of CSOs. None of those proposals were approved, however they were deliberated in parliamentary plenaries during which a number of organizations were named and shamed by MPs. Concrete donors such as US and Swiss programs were also attacked as well as in typical Hungarian fashion – including George Soros whose philanthropy activities are actually next to nothing in Bulgaria since the country’s EU accession in 2007.

Reaction of the CSO sector

The intensified attacks in recent years have negatively impacted the CSOs’ work in Bulgaria by creating a chilling effect and shifting public opinion against transparent foreign funding and the role of the CSOs in decision making processes.

At the end of 2024, Bulgarian civil society started to mobilize itself in a nonformal coalition to react to the intensifying threats to civic space. Crucial initial initiatives included actions to increase the knowledge about the nature of the threats by reaching out to experts in Hungary and Georgia which have firsthand experience with similar developments and to draw into the push-back efforts influential business representatives who understand that deterioration of the civic space is a problem for the whole of society.

As a result, the FARA bill proposal in September 2024 was followed by dozens of negative responses filed in the parliaments, including a petition by more than 2000 people and organizations and a negative response from one of the biggest business associations in the country.

Since then, the nonformal coalition continues its work to counter repressive legislative measures, including carrying out positive campaigns about the role and achievements of the CSO organizations and promoting the established and existing transparency practices of the sector.

Picture by Emer_Iglesias on Pixabay

Shrinking spaces in Germany – a country undergoing change

Melanie May — Wed, 14 May 2025 10:40:37 +0000

Martin Georgi, chair of the German Fundraising Association, discusses the country’s recent shift in attitude and its impact, as well as the resilience of German civil society, despite a gradual shrinking of civic space.

Germany has developed a vibrant and active civil society and sees itself as a promoter of democracy and civil rights at home and abroad. This is rooted in a strong post-WWII consensus on the horrors of fascism, the value of an open society, and the importance of European integration and a well-financed civil sector.

A country undergoing change

In recent years, however, this consensus has weakened. Historical awareness of Nazism has declined, and frustration over the perceived uneven benefits of European integration has grown. Germany’s traditionally open attitude toward trade and refugees is increasingly challenged—not only by the far-right Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), but also by mainstream center-right parties advocating for tighter immigration controls and restrictions on civil society organisations.

Martin Georgi, DFRV

Despite this shift, civil society in Germany remains large and influential. There are over 600,000 registered associations, plus tens of thousands of foundations, unions, religious groups, and informal initiatives. Many sectors – including social services, environmental protection, education, migration support, and democracy advocacy – depend on civic engagement. According to the 2019/21 Volunteer Survey, 40% of adults engage in some form of voluntary work.

New forms of engagement have emerged – such as online campaigns and decentralized movements – with rising participation by young people, especially on issues like climate justice, racism, and social inequality. Still, many established organisations struggle to attract long-term volunteers. Leadership remains disproportionately white and male, despite increasing participation by women and people with migrant backgrounds.

Gradually shrinking civic space

Compared to some European countries, Germany is not experiencing full-scale repression of civil society. However, recent developments show a gradual shrinking of civic space. Some climate and anti-fascist activism has been criminalized or restricted, and public hostility – especially from the far right – has increased. Activists have faced threats and attacks; several elected officials in some smaller towns have resigned after receiving death threats.

On the legal level, advocacy-focused organisations like Attac and Campact lost their charitable status because their activities were deemed “too political” by tax authorities. In Germany, it is the tax office, not a social or civil ministry, that determines what counts as politically permissible for tax-exempt status. This legal uncertainty has created a chilling effect, particularly for organisations working with or organised by migrants, or those taking on politically sensitive topics. While the number of affected organisations remains small, the broader impact has been a climate of caution and occasional self-censorship.

Expectations for new Social Democrat–Christian Democrat alliance

In the past years, there had been hopes that the Social Democrat–Green–Liberal coalition (2021–2024) would modernize the nonprofit law and better protect civil society. Unfortunately, other political issues dominated the agenda and the modernization did not happen. After the coalition collapsed and just before the 2025 federal election, the Christian Democrats (CDU) voted for the first time alongside the AfD on several parliamentary motions to limit migration. When several NGOs joined public protests against what was feared as a thinly veiled cooperation with the far-right, the CDU retaliated by launching a parliamentary inquiry into the legal and tax-exempt status of 20 civil society organisations, submitting over 550 formal questions to the federal government. With this background, it does not seem likely that the new Social Democrat–Christian Democrat alliance will offer more than some limited reforms, and organisations will likely continue to struggle with shrinking spaces in the coming years.

Wide-ranging challenges

The challenges go beyond the tax and legal status. The question of stable, long-term funding is becoming increasingly urgent. Many newer or migrant-led organisations face difficulties accessing institutional or philanthropic funding. Reliance on short-term project grants restricts strategic planning and hinders the development of sustainable structures. Bureaucratic and cumbersome requirements for grant applications and for the documentation of the use of grants are a burden particularly for smaller organisations, as is the overly complicated registration in various public registries.

At stake is whether civil society will scale back political activities in response to pressure – or whether it will adapt, collaborate more broadly, and innovate in communication and fundraising. International comparisons, especially with drastic recent experiences in the US, show that the funding of core and long-term work – not just projects – and a healthy mix in fundraising sources is essential to resilience.

The German Fundraising Association is committed to supporting a strong, politically independent civil society. Together with partners, it advocates for transparent and fair legal conditions and stronger financial frameworks. A key focus is to empower organisations – especially younger and marginalised ones – through professional, sustainable fundraising.

Picture by Ingo Joseph on Pexels

Italy: civic regression & organizations’ resilience

Melanie May — Wed, 02 Apr 2025 10:40:49 +0000

For the latest instalment of our Spotlight on Civic Space series, president of the Italian fundraising association ASSIF, Michela Gaffo shares insights into how Italian nonprofits are responding to pressures.

In Italy, nonprofit organizations have been an essential pillar of welfare services for the whole community since the foundation of the Republic in 1946. In recent years, due to the emerging social challenges (such as the sharp rise of the poverty rate; the increase in the average age of the population; and the migrant crisis) this leading role has become more and more important.

Finally, after years of struggle to see this role recognized and rewarded at a political and fiscal level, a new law, the so-called “Third Sector Reform”, came into force in 2017.

The law included recognition of the role of fundraising and fundraisers, more structured tax relief for donations (in kind and in money) and for commercial activities (meaning they were no longer taboo for nonprofit organizations).

Michela Gaffo, ASSIF

However, its implementation has taken many years, and the last government also introduced a series of challenges that further limited the capacity of nonprofit organizations to sustain themselves and continue their work.

Shrinking of public investments

Even if the path to fully accomplishing the Reform seems to be in progress, steps have also been put in place to shrink public investments in social projects. 2024-25 alone saw: a confusing and punishing VAT regime introduced for nonprofit organizations, suspended for two years but without any sign of strategic thinking; continuation of the the state-imposed limit to Italy’s tax-efficient giving scheme – 5 per mille or 5×1,000; a severe shrinking in resources for the Educational Poverty Fund; and finally, a cut in tax reliefs for donations to Third Sector entities that we expect to have an impact on funds from private major donors.

In a context of reduction of public expenditure in health, civil rights and social services, this is a clear sign of a strong will to weaken the social bodies that inform our society.

Space(s) for the community

The use of public space is crucial to address the civic development of the community. That was evident to lawmakers when in 2017 they wrote the reform law about the Third Sector with a huge tax relief provided for donations to organizations that work in assets confiscated from organised crime.

The problem? It took five years to define the practical application of these dispositions, and to date only three projects have been granted financing.

This is only one example of the disregard that national and local authorities have towards the public re-use of abandoned spaces: during the last few years, many social entities and collectives that have built social projects by involving communities and beneficiaries have been ostracized and have lost their spaces. The pressure of these measures impacts fragile people and marginalized groups.

The story of the Women’s House “Lucha y Siesta” in Rome – a cultural hub and women’s shelter – is representative of this: despite being in a public abandoned building, administrations keep asking for the space back, putting many women at risk as well as the project’s innovative model of social intervention.

Organizations’ resilience

Nonprofit organizations have already started responding to these threats to their funding streams, their spaces and projects and, eventually, their own existence.

First, they are more conscious than in the past of the need to adopt a strategic thinking and approach to fundraising: ASSIF Associazione Italiana Fundraiser for example is actively involved in the development of a giving culture, among the sector and the public.

In this, they are supported by the rise of new forms of giving by private philanthropy: support to grassroots organizations, trust-based funding, and use of equalizing capital.

They are also pushed to new collective governance models, where the will to establish a solid net is strong: this is crucial to survive, and to tackle the anti-civic policies that are rising.

Picture: by Robert Casazza on Pexels

Civil society’s response to Slovakia’s democratic backslide: mobilising resources & resistance

Melanie May — Wed, 15 Jan 2025 11:30:11 +0000

In the second of our new Spotlight on Civic Space series, chair of the Slovak Fundraising Centre Eduard Marček shares insights into the situation in Slovakia since Fico and his party’s most recent return to power.

In October 2023, Slovakia witnessed the return to power of Robert Fico’s fourth government. This self-proclaimed “Slovak social democrat” formed a coalition with ultra-nationalists and a party led by his former proxy. Their election campaign was driven by disinformation, fear-mongering, and societal polarisation. At its core, the government’s agenda appeared to be one of retribution – aimed at neutralising attempts to prosecute Fico, his allies, and associated oligarchs for corruption.

Upon assuming power, the government launched an immediate and aggressive assault on institutions. Law enforcement authorities became a prime target, as did ongoing corruption investigations, which were undermined through sweeping changes to the penal code. These continuous actions threaten the foundations of the rule of law, justice, and democracy.

Eduard Marček

The repressive measures extend across various sectors. Independent institutions are weakened, the public broadcaster has been dismantled, and private media outlets have faced threats and intimidation. Experienced professionals and experts are dismissed en masse. Cultural and artistic institutions, including the national gallery and national theatre, are directly affected, as are environmental protections. Policies reducing the protection of nature reserves and permitting excessive culling of wildlife (such as bears and wolves) exacerbate environmental concerns. Marginalised groups, including minorities, face intensified discrimination. The sheer speed and scale of these changes have been both shocking and unprecedented, with long-term consequences for Slovakia’s democratic stability.

Civil society under attack

Civil society and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have not been spared. They were, in fact, branded as public enemies – particularly watchdog groups, think tanks, and advocacy organizations, with these groups derided as “political NGOs” accused of meddling in politics. For the first time since Slovakia’s transition from communism, civil society has been excluded from the government’s manifesto as a partner.

A series of measures aimed at restricting NGO operations was also proposed. Public and media backlash have managed so far to prevent the most draconian reforms from materialising but verbal attacks against civil society continue unabated, with attempts to label NGOs as “foreign agents” or “organizations with foreign support”. Fears of losing EU funding – given the precedent set by the European Court of Justice in Hungary – have also prevented the coalition from agreeing on concrete legislation. Instead, the government wants to pursue subtler approaches, such as proposals to classify NGOs as lobbyists subject to special regulation and higher scrutiny.

There have also been financial restrictions with grants for human rights, LGBTIQ+ and minority organisations, advocacy groups, and cultural projects severely curtailed. Attempts to limit tax allocation mechanisms (allowing individuals and companies to donate percentage of their income tax to NGOs) were proposed but ultimately failed. Nevertheless, civil society organizations have found themselves excluded from decision-making processes, which had previously enabled them to influence policies and governance.

Public access to information and participation in decision-making processes are also being curtailed, further marginalising civil society’s role in governance.

A roadside billboard announcing that the ultra-right Slovak National Party has stopped funding LGBTI projects. Picture: Tina Bednár, Facebook Saplinq, o.z.

Civic backlash and resistance

Despite the onslaught, these restrictive measures have sparked widespread public resistance. Massive demonstrations, strikes, and petitions have reflected growing dissatisfaction and polarization, ultimately culminating in an assassination attempt on Prime Minister Fico in May 2024.

Civil society has refused to retreat to government’s restrictive measures. Instead, it has responded with heightened mobilisation and collaboration. New coalitions advocating for democracy, cultural preservation, and environmental protection have begun to emerge. Crowdfunding campaigns have become a visible form of protest, enabling citizens to assert their voices and influence.

A striking example of this mobilisation was the Ammunition for Ukraine campaign (below, left). In response to the government’s decision to halt official military aid to Ukraine, Slovaks raised €4.7 million from more than 70,000 donors – a testament to public solidarity and defiance.

Similarly, when journalists from Slovakia’s leading private TV network, Markíza, protested against editorial interference, key figures were dismissed. Among them was the country’s most influential political presenter, who subsequently launched 360°, an independent online news platform. With the support of a successful crowdfunding campaign that raised €593,704 (above, right), the platform quickly gained traction.

Dozens of similar crowdfunding efforts have supported cultural initiatives, law enforcement authorities, media monitoring, fighting misinformation and anti-corruption campaigns.

These grassroots movements underscore public determination to resist the government’s efforts to stifle democracy and civil liberties.

A fight for democracy

Civil society in Slovakia is proving resilient. While the government’s repressive measures are testing the nation’s democratic foundations, the public response is demonstrating a robust commitment to preserving freedoms and human rights. Citizens are making their voices heard, and their collective efforts have become a formidable counterweight to the government’s authoritarian tendencies.

Slovakia’s civic mobilisation highlights the power of grassroots activism and independent (crowd)funding as tools for safeguarding democracy and could serve as inspiration for other countries with repressive governments.

Main picture by William Gevorg Urban on Pexels

Shrinking civic space in the Netherlands: a growing trend

Melanie May — Wed, 13 Nov 2024 11:40:35 +0000

In the first of our new Spotlight on Civic Space series, which explores the trend and impact of shrinking civic space around Europe, and the not-for-profit sector’s response, Goede Doelen Nederland’s public affairs advisor Ross Verde shares insights into the current situation in the Netherlands.

In the Netherlands, nonprofit organizations play an essential role in upholding European values and addressing societal challenges. These organizations emerge from the commitment of citizens who are concerned about the wellbeing of vulnerable individuals, animals, nature, the environment, and culture. They channel the concerns, frustrations, aspirations, and needs of millions of people, thereby giving them a voice in matters that are important to them. However, recent government policies are placing increasing pressure on the ability of nonprofit organizations to operate effectively.

At Goede Doelen Nederland, we are committed to ensuring an environment where nonprofits can work independently. Nonetheless, recent developments indicate a trend of shrinking civic space in our country.

There is growing pressure on both the revenue sources for nonprofit organizations (such as tax deductions for donations, subsidies, and lottery contributions) and their ability to access the courts and exercise the right to protest.

Coalition agreement

On July 2, 2024, the newly formed Cabinet-Schoof, supported by coalition parties BBB, NSC, VVD, and PVV, announced budget cuts for the charitable donation tax deduction. Due to societal pressure to maintain this deduction, the budget cut for individual donations was reversed, but businesses contribute to society too, and this cut must also be withdrawn.

Further complicating matters is that the coalition’s governing agenda, “Hope, Courage, and Pride,” includes proposals with negative effects for nonprofits. Key among these is the plan to investigate imposing stricter requirements on nonprofit organizations involved in legal actions to hold the government accountable to uphold treaties and legislation.

According to the Dutch Bar Association (Nederlandse Orde van Advocaten), this proposal poses significant risks. Their recent report, Rechtsstatelijke Toets Regeerprogramma 2024 (“Constitutional Review of the 2024 Coalition Agreement”) highlights shared concerns about potential impacts on the rule of law.

Currently, nonprofits are legally empowered to bring cases to court to address governmental misconduct, such as unlawful regulations and illegal actions, thereby enhancing the effectiveness of the rule of law. The coalition’s proposal could, however, limit access to the courts in critical cases, thereby weakening the current legal system’s efficacy. This may conflict with Article 13 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), which guarantees the right to an effective remedy, and, particularly for environmental organizations, with Article 9 of the Aarhus Convention. Vigilance is essential to safeguard these fundamental rights.

The continuation of a new proposed legislation

The proposed legislation aims to enforce greater transparency within civil society, particularly concerning the size and origins of donations. Additionally, a cease-and-desist order is being introduced for organizations that may pose a potential threat to the rule of law or public authority.

While intended to increase accountability, these measures risk curbing the independence and effectiveness of nonprofits. Furthermore, the coalition has proposed revisions to existing laws that could further limit civic freedoms, specifically the rights to protest.

Increasing regulatory pressures

Nonprofits now face a tangled web of regulatory requirements that challenge their operational capacity. European regulations on privacy, consumer protection, and transparency, though intended to enhance accountability, have placed a heavy administrative burden on charitable organizations. This regulatory overload diverts valuable resources away from mission-driven work, making it harder for nonprofits to respond swiftly to urgent social needs.

Financial and legal barriers

A growing trend of “de-risking” by banks is adding significant challenges. Dutch banks, adhering to strict government regulations aimed at minimizing the risk of money laundering and terrorism financing, often deny accounts to nonprofits.

The negative impact of this de-risking on nonprofit organizations is concerning. Opening new accounts has become increasingly difficult, existing accounts are being terminated, and transferring funds – whether to high- or low-risk regions – is subject to long delays. This practice complicates financial management and jeopardizes the stability of funding.

The situation in the Netherlands reflects a broader global trend of shrinking civic space. As regulations tighten and funding becomes less accessible, nonprofits worldwide face challenges in fulfilling their missions. It is crucial for international actors to recognize these challenges, as the implications of a weakened nonprofit sector extend far beyond national borders.

Picture by Lidia Nemiroff on Unsplash